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Ecumenicalism – The Evangelical Church’s misguided group hug – Part III

In Part I we traced the beginnings of the ecumenical movement between the various branches of Christianity and within those churches embroiled in the liberal-fundamentalist controversies of the early 20th century. In Part II we examined the conflicts and controversies in the 1950s and 1960s surrounding ecumenicalism’s push into evangelicalism in an effort to achieve reconciliation and unity among evangelical, non-evangelical, and liberal churches in America and England. As was stated in the conclusion of Part II, the 1950s and 1960s were a major turning point for evangelical churches as they embraced ecumenicalism which determined their course for decades to follow.

The evangelical church’s pursuit of ecumenicalism over the last half century has blurred the once sharp line that distinguished the Christian from the non-Christian. When that line was sharp and clear, the church the church was holy, powerful, and effective in its mission of impacting culture and winning the lost to Christ. When the line between what is Christian and non-Christian became blurred, the meaning of Christianity and evangelicalism also became blurred. Iain Murray described what form this blurring took.

“…liberalism was ‘Christianity’ harmonized with the moral aspirations of all men. It was truth modified to give offence to none…it assumed the goodness of human nature and portrayed Christianity in terms of doing rather than of believing. In so far as it spoke of hope after death, it was with a promise of universal comfort—heaven not as the exclusive home of the redeemed but as the ultimate destination for all who pass through this world. It denied (along with the false prophets) that “wide is the gate and broad is the way that leads to destruction and there are many who go in by it.”[1] [Matthew 7:13, 15] [emphasis added]

Remember the words of Michael Ramsey in Part II when he spoke to the evangelicals in England who wanted acceptance within the larger body. He warned them that they must accept those confessing Jesus Christ as “God and Saviour” as Christians in good standing. Therefore, evangelicals had to “turn their back on their old exclusiveness.” That is what has happened in America. A large part of Evangelicalism has turned its back on its old exclusiveness.

Following the 1950s and 1960s, the ecumenical movement was effectively advanced by incorporation into the church’s message the themes of the humanistic spirit of the world: relativism, tolerance, and inclusion. This compromise and accommodation led to ignoring, changing, abandoning, or adding doctrines, beliefs, and activities in ways that conflicted with two hundred and fifty years of evangelical thought, belief, and practice that mirrored first-century New Testament Christianity.

The great fault of fundamentalism’s past was its periodic failure to consider the weak and inconsistent Christian. This occurred because they left the straight and narrow path resting on a fervent adherence to the uncompromised truth found in the Bible and fell into the ditch of legalism. But in the modern age which has encompassed the church for most of a century, the great danger has been compromise and accommodation rather than legalism. Ecumenicalism’s compromise and accommodation has brought multitudes into the church membership and leadership who have not repented of their sin and bowed in submission to Jesus Christ as their Lord and Savior. Iain Murray called it a “popularized definition of Christian with no biblical authority at all.”[2]

But Satan is not content with a just a popularized definition of Christian and a Christianity that only demands a hollow confession of Jesus Christ as “God and Saviour” devoid of the meat of doctrine. The outworking of Satan’s Trojan Horse of ecumenicalism requires that the church recognize the priority of unity without limit. The acceptance of this further apostasy within the church has become the norm rather than the exception, and this limitless ecumenicalism is promoted at the highest levels of leadership in the both evangelical and non-evangelical churches. If one doubts this last statement, five examples will confirm the truth that ecumenicalism now reaches far beyond the borders of the church however one may define Christianity.

• On July 4, 2009, Rick Warren spoke to a crowd of 8000 Muslims at the nation’s capital during the annual convention of the Islamic Society of North America. His message was that Muslims and Christians can work together for the common good without compromising their respective convictions.[3]

Reverend Canon Gina Campbell, pastor of the National Cathedral in Washington, D.C., permitted the Episcopal Church to host a Muslim prayer service at the Cathedral on November 14, 2014.[4]

• On August 11-12, 2016, Bill Hybels of Willow Creek Church broadcast his annual Global Leadership Summit by live telecast to over three hundred thousand participants worldwide. He recruited Melinda Gates as one of the main speakers for the event.[5] Gates is co-chair of the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation which has contributed tens of millions of dollars to Planned Parenthood of America and other organizations around the world that have aborted millions of babies.[6]

• In 2007, Leith Anderson signed the infamous Yale Covenant. Anderson was President of the National Association of Evangelicals which represented more than 45,000 local churches from nearly forty denominations with a constituency of millions.[7] The Yale Covenant was the signors’ agreement in response Muslim religious leaders’ call for unity and understanding between Christianity and Islam that would serve as a basis for dialogue and reconciliation. The Yale Covenant was signed by over three hundred prominent Christian ministers, professors, and leaders from various organizations including Rick Warren, Bill Hybels, Robert Schuller, David Yonggi Cho, and NAE’s Anderson.[8]

• In May 2013, Pope Francis stated that all people who do good works, including atheists, are going to heaven. The pope stated that the Lord has redeemed all of us with the Blood of Christ. Not just Catholics but everyone including atheists. The Pope said that all have a duty to do good, and if we “…do good, we will meet one another there.”[9] Pope Francis is preaching universalism which is a hyper-ecumenicalism in which all roads lead to God whether it is humanism’s Nature, a host of pantheistic Gods, Allah of the Koran, or the Christian God of the Bible.

In 2 Corinthians 6:14-16a, the Apostle Paul cautions that Christians should not be mismatched with unbelievers.

Do not be yoked together with unbelievers. For what do righteousness and wickedness have in common? Or what fellowship can light have with darkness? What harmony is there between Christ and belial? What does a believer have in common with an unbeliever? What agreement is there between the temple of God and idols? [2 Corinthians 6:14-16a. NIV]

In his commentary, Donald Stamps explained Paul’s use of being unequally yoked as a word picture for describing human relationships. In God’s accounting, there are only two types of people—Christians and non-Christian.

…those that know Christ must not be in voluntary close partnership or association with unbelievers because such relationships can compromise and corrupt their relationship with Christ. Paul was likely attempting to discourage the Corinthians from cooperating with the false teachers who had infiltrated the church and gained influence with their persuasive words. But this principle certainly applies to dating, marriage, business partnerships, secret orders (lodges) and close friendships. A Christian’s relationships with unbelievers should center on what is necessary and appropriate for the social and economic purpose of daily life and to show people the way to spiritual salvation, and a personal relationship with Christ. But a Christian’s closest relationships should be with other followers of Christ with whom they can relate on a spiritual level.[10]

Given the plain words of Paul to the Corinthians, should the rise of ecumenicalism and the subsequent decay of evangelicalism in Western civilization come as a surprise to Christians? It should not for the Apostle Paul also told us that this must come. In his letter to Timothy he wrote of the coming apostasy in the last days in which men and women who once knew Christ would reject or abandon their faith. Paul described these Christians-in-name-only of the last days as “holding the form of religion but denying the power of it…” [2 Timothy 3:5. RSV]
______

Without a doubt there is occurring a rapid cultural decline in America caused by the abandonment of the biblical foundations upon which the nation was built, the ascendance of humanistic and secularized influence over the institutions of American life, and the general decline of morality within Western cultures. At the same time the church has entered the time of the Great Apostasy which is engulfing many of the once faithful.

The inevitability of the trials facing the true church and the culture within which it resides does not release the church from Christ’s mandate to speak the truth in spite of cultural opposition and to share the gospel until the end of the age when He shall return. Those that remain true to the faith should not be shaken in mind, distraught, or troubled in heart. The consolation for the suffering of the faithful is found in the words of James.

Count it all joy, my brethren, when you meet various trials, for you know that the testing of your faith produces steadfastness. And let steadfastness have its full effect, that you may be perfect and complete, lacking nothing. [James 1:2-4. RSV]

Larry G. Johnson

Sources:

[1] Iain H. Murray, Evangelicalism Divided – A Record of Crucial Change in the Years 1950-2000, (Edinburgh, Scotland, UK: The Banner of Truth Trust, 2000), p. 295.
[2] Ibid., p. 297.
[3] Michelle A. Vu, “Rick Warren to Muslims: Talk is Cheap, Let’s Work Together,” The Christian Post, July 5, 2009. http://www.christianpost.com/news/rick-warren-to-muslims-talk-is-cheap-let-s-work-together-39543/ (accessed December 5, 2014).
[4] John Blosser, “Franklin Graham slams Muslim service at National Cathedral,” Newsmax, November 17, 2014. http://www.newsmax.com/US/Franklin-Graham-Billy-Graham-Muslims-Washington-National-Cathedral/2014/11/17/id/607906/ (accessed December 25, 2014).
[5] “Faculty,” The Global Leadership Summit, https://www.willowcreek.com/events/leadership/#about (accessed September 16, 2016).
[6] Susan Berry, “Bill and Melinda Gates Foundations says it will no longer fund abortion,” Brietbart, June 12, 2014. http://www.breitbart.com/big-government/2014/06/12/bill-and-melinda-gates-foundation-says-it-will-no-longer-fund-abortion/ (accessed September 16, 2016).
[7] “About NAE,” National Association of Evangelicals, http://nae.net/about-nae/ (accessed May 2, 2016).
[8]“‘A Common Word’ Christian Response,” Yale Center for Faith and Culture,
http://faith.yale.edu/common-word/common-word-christian-response (accessed April 27, 2016).
[9] “Pope at Mass: Culture of encounter is the foundation of peace,” Vatican Radio, May 22, 2013. http://en.radiovaticana.va/storico/2013/05/22/pope_at_mass_culture_of_ encounter_is_the_foundation_of_peace/en1-694445 (accessed September 14, 2016).
[10]Donald Stamps, Commentary, Fire Bible: Global Study Edition, New International Version, Gen. Ed. Donald Stamps, (Published by Hendrickson Publishers Marketing, LLC, Peabody, Massachusetts; Copyright 2009 by Life Publishers International, Springfield, Missouri), p. 2207.

Ecumenicalism – The Evangelical Church’s misguided group hug – Part II

In Part I we traced the beginnings of the ecumenical movement among the various branches of Christianity and within those churches embroiled in the liberal-fundamentalist controversies of the early 20th century. It was noted that the great difficulty in achieving ecumenicalism was the result of differences between the fundamental beliefs between Roman Catholicism and Protestant churches and also the doctrinal differences between the evangelical and liberal wings of the Protestant churches themselves. Part II will primarily address the efforts to achieve reconciliation and unity between the liberal churches and neo-evangelical churches which were mostly from denominations oriented toward the fundamentals of the Christian faith as found in the Bible.

By the mid-1930s, the intra-church doctrinal differences that roiled over the previous three decades had subsided as churches had taken on the character and beliefs of the victorious wing in the liberal-fundamentalist conflict. Generally, the losing parties were the conservatives who usually left to form new denominations. By the mid-1940s there was a clear line of demarcation that separated liberal churches from the more conservative evangelical churches, both in matters of doctrine and cultural engagement.

Following the end of World War II in 1945, evangelical Protestantism emerged from the shadow of their fundamentalist forebears, and these neo-evangelicals became a substantial force in American life. As a result of this new cultural engagement, the period from 1945 to the early to mid-1960s was an era of great promise for the evangelical churches. Even Catholic writer Ross Douthat, a severe critic of much of Protestantism, called evangelical Protestantism a “…postwar revival of American Christianity, which ushered in a kind of Indian summer for orthodox belief.”[1] Nancy Pearcey in her book Total Truth stated that these neo-evangelicals still held to fundamentalist views of the Bible but sought to escape form their separatism and engage the culture with a “redemptive vision that would not only embrace individuals but also social structures and institutions.”[2]

Rise of ecumenicalism in Protestant America

There were several key players that led the revival of American Christianity during this period, but the most important of all was Billy Graham. Launched by an eight-week tent meeting revival in Los Angeles in 1949 that attracted 350,000, Graham’s meteoric rise in the nation’s consciousness had begun. By the time he conducted his now famous 1957 New York City crusade that reached millions, Graham had become the most celebrated evangelist in America, a title he would retain through most of the remainder of the 20th century.[3] Douthat described the magnitude of Graham’s accomplishment.

…by the early 1940s revivalism itself seemed to be on the verge of dying out…But Graham almost singlehandedly revitalized the form, using it to carry an Evangelical message from the backwoods tent meetings to the nation’s biggest cities and arenas—and then overseas as well, to Europe and the Third World and even behind the Iron Curtain…Billy Graham had done the near-impossible; he had carried Evangelical Christianity from the margins to the mainstream, making Evangelical faith seem respectable as well as fervent, not only relevant but modern.[4]

By 1957 there had been a marked change in Graham’s fundamentalist thinking. Graham accepted an invitation to hold a Manhattan crusade, but the invitation was from the Protestant Council of New York City which meant “cooperation with a group that was predominantly non-evangelical and even included out-and-out modernists. It also meant sending them back to their local churches, no matter how liberal these churches might be.”[5]

On the surface, Graham’s decision to accept the invitation appears to have followed the example of C. S. Lewis who also engaged the culture of the unchurched world through his World War II radio broadcasts later published as Mere Christianity.

The reader should be warned that I offer no help to anyone who is hesitating between two Christian ‘denominations’…I hope no reader will suppose that ‘mere’ Christianity is here put forward as an alternative to the creeds of the existing communions—as if a man could adopt it in preference to Congregationalism or Greek Orthodoxy or anything else. It is more like a hall out of which doors open into several rooms. If I can bring anyone into that hall I shall have done what I attempted (in writing Mere Christianity). But it is in the room, not in the hall, that there are fires and chairs and meals. The hall is a place to wait in, a place from which to try the various doors, not a place to live in…

You must keep on praying for light; and, of course, even in the hall, you must begin trying to obey the rules which are common to the whole house. And above all you must be asking which door is the true one; not which pleases you best by its paint and paneling. In plain language, the question should never be: ‘Do I like that kind of service?’ but ‘Are these doctrines true: Is holiness here? Does my conscience move me towards this? Is my reluctance to knock at this door due to my pride, or mere taste, or my personal dislike of this particular door-keeper?’[6]

As I wrote in Evangelical Winter, “Like Lewis, Graham was engaging the culture and bringing them into the hall…His mission was to win the hearts of his audience to Christ and deliver them to the door of a local church.”[7] But upon further reflection, this conclusion appears to be at odds with one point of C. S. Lewis’ stated purpose which was to get them into the hall but not to the door of a particular church. It is understood that Graham’s methods of mass evangelism were different than Lewis’ model because Graham’s crusades had been working with fellow evangelical laborers in the vineyard. However, in the New York City crusade and thereafter Graham wrongly departed from Lewis’ model at one key point—the agreement with his hosts required Graham to deliver respondents to Graham’s truthful presentation of the gospel back to the doors of their local churches which included many whose fidelity to biblical truth did not exist.

The answer to the seeming paradox of “be ye separate” and “go unto all the world” is often not easy to decipher. As we consider the seeming conflict in Graham’s actions and fidelity to biblical truth, we see the larger conflict between the demands of ecumenicalism and evangelicalism’s faithfulness and loyalty to biblical truth. The answers are not always clear and simple. But there are answers, and on occasion Christians must use an exceedingly fine scalpel to rightly divide the Word while their hands are guided by the steadying influence of the Holy Spirit. Given the advantage of hindsight over six decades since the 1957 Manhattan crusade, Graham’s inclusion of non-evangelicals and liberals in the Manhattan crusade promoted ecumenicalism in America and lessened the resistance of evangelicals to its corrupting influence.

The rise of ecumenicalism in the Church of England

The larger conflict between ecumenicalism and evangelicalism was also occurring in England in the Anglican Church and other mainline churches. Although Graham had not had crusade alliances with non-evangelical and liberal churches in North America until 1957, he had done so in 1954 when he held the hugely successful London crusade. The division among evangelicals over ecumenicalism that developed after the 1957 Manhattan crusade had already developed in the United Kingdom following the 1954 London crusade.[8]

Graham’s greater London crusade received large support from the Church of England. Many in the small evangelical faction within the Church of England were shocked that evangelical Graham could join with the leadership of the liberal Anglican Church in conducting the crusade. The evangelicals’ smallness of influence and comparative isolation within the church caused them to re-examine their opposition to ecumenical influences. These men had long felt it necessary to remain apart from the larger denominational influences and fellowship only with like-mined evangelicals within and without the Anglican Church.[9] Thirteen years after the 1954 London crusade, the Anglican evangelicals were ready to abandon their aloofness at the first National Evangelical Anglican Congress which met at Keele in April 1967. Prior to the Congress, this change of tactics was expressed by John Stott, chairman of the Congress.

It is a tragic thing, however, that Evangelicals have a very poor image in the Church as a whole. We have acquired a reputation for narrow partisanship and obstructionism. We have to acknowledge this, and for the most part we have no one but ourselves to blame. We need to repent and change.[10]

Anglican Archbishop Michael Ramsey was invited to give the opening address to the Congress. Murray wrote that in Ramsey’s address, he “…reminded his hearers that ‘experience’ goes before ‘theology’, and he made it clear to the congress that if evangelicals were really prepared to play a full part in the life of the Church of England they must turn their back on their old exclusiveness…” Effectively, the head of the Church of England was laying down the marching orders for evangelicals, and the essence of those orders was that unity must come before truth. The evangelicals at the Keele Congress went on to affirm Ramsey’s ground rules for ecumenical dialogue which in essence was that those confessing Jesus Christ as “God and Saviour” must be accepted as Christians in good standing. In other words, all who were engaged in ecumenism “have a right to be treated as Christians.”[11]

Looking back on what he considered was the main cause of the change of mind among the English evangelicals, ecumenism advocate John Lawrence wrote that, “…the Conservative Evangelical movement in Britain crossed the ecumenical watershed at Dr. Billy Graham’s Crusade at Harringay in 1954” [the London Crusade].[12] Dr. Martyn Lloyd-Jones was an opponent of ecumenism but agreed with Lawrence that Graham’s London Crusade was the pivotal moment when England’s evangelicals succumbed to ecumenism.[13]

Dr. Lloyd-Jones was the only senior evangelical voice that sounded the alarm with regard to the dangers of ecumenism. Speaking at the National Assembly of Evangelicals in October 1966 (only months before the Keele Congress), Lloyd Jones warned of the consequences of ecumenism on evangelicalism. Iain Murray summarized the heart of Lloyd-Jones arguments.

…for evangelicals to gain ecumenical and denominational acceptance they would have to pay a price which would imperil the very legitimacy of their distinctive beliefs. If evangelical belief is, in essence, gospel belief, how can Christian fellowship exist independently of any common commitment to such belief? How can a right belief on fundamentals retain the primary importance which Scripture gives to it if, after all, it is not necessary to salvation? How can evangelicalism be said to represent biblical essentials if one regards as Christians and works alongside those who actually deny these essentials?…for evangelicals to be consistent with their doctrine, they should give higher priority to the unity which that doctrine entailed than to denominational relationships which required no such allegiance to Scripture.[14] [emphasis in original]

Also in 1966, Francis Schaeffer was a main speaker at the World Congress on Evangelism held in Berlin. Like Lloyd-Jones was to do in October of that year, Schaeffer warned of the dangers of ecumenism.

Let us never forget that we who stand in the historic stream of Christianity really believe that false doctrine, at those crucial points where false doctrine is heresy, is not a small thing. If we do not make clear by word and practice our position for truth as truth and against false doctrine, we are building a wall between the next generation and the gospel. And twenty years from now, men will point their finger back at us and say of us, this is the result of the flow of history…[15]

The 1950s and 1960s were crucial points in history in which much of the evangelical church embraced a false doctrine that gave priority to ecumenicalism over the truth of the Scriptures. As a result, efforts to achieve reconciliation through ecumenicalism continued unabated in the great majority of evangelical denominations and organizations through the remainder of the twentieth century and to the present day. Schaffer’s prophetic warning has come to pass. A wall has been built between succeeding generations and the gospel of Jesus Christ. The evidence is all around us and will be examined in Part III.

Larry G. Johnson

Sources:

[1] Ross Douthat, Bad Religion – How We Became a Nation of Heretics, (New York: Free Press, 2012), p. 21.
[2] Nancy Pearcey, Total Truth – Liberating Christianity from Its Cultural Captivity, (Wheaton, Illinois: Crossway Books, 2004, 2005), p. 18.
[3] Paul Johnson, A History of the American People, (New York: Harper Collins Publishers, 1997), p. 839.
[4] Douthat, Bad Religion, pp. 35, 37.
[5] Iain H. Murray, Evangelicalism Divided – A Record of Crucial Change in the Years 1950-2000, (Edinburgh, Scotland, UK: The Banner of Truth Trust, 2000), pp. 28-29.
[6] C. S. Lewis, Mere Christianity from The Complete C. S. Lewis Signature Classics, (New York: Harper One, 1952, 2002), pp. 5, 11.
[7] Larry G. Johnson, Evangelical Winter – Restoring New Testament Christianity, (Owasso, Oklahoma: Anvil House Publishers, 2016), p. 107.
[8] Murray, Evangelicalism Divided, p. 40.
[9] Ibid.
[10] Ibid., p. 42.
[11] Ibid., pp. 42-43.
[12] Ibid., p. 43.
[13] Ibid., footnote 4, p. 43.
[14] Ibid., p. 45.
[15] Ibid., pp. 79-79.

Ecumenicalism – The Evangelical Church’s misguided group hug – Part I

Most modern American evangelicals have never heard of Iain H. Murray. And if by chance they had heard of him, it is just as doubtful that they will have read any of this Scottish pastor’s writings. But they should. Murray’s writings provide valuable insights into both theological reasons and historical events of the last half of the twentieth century that account for the abysmal conditions in the evangelical church in both America and the United Kingdom.

Murray was born in Lancashire, England, in 1931 and educated at King William’s College in the Isle of Mann. He later read Philosophy and History at the University of Durham in preparation for ministry in the Presbyterian Church. Following a year of private study, he became an assistant to Sidney Norton at St John’s Free Church, Oxford in 1955–56. While at Oxford, Murray established The Banner of Truth magazine and became its first editor. During the years 1956-1959, Murray became the assistant to Dr. Martyn Lloyd-Jones who pastored Westminster Chapel in London for thirty years. While at Westminster Chapel, Murray and the late Jack Cullum founded the Banner of Truth Trust in 1957. Like Dr. Lloyd-Jones, Murray was strongly opposed to liberal Christianity. During his career, Murray pastored churches in England and Australia as well as managing the worldwide ministry of the Banner of Truth Trust.[1]

In 2000, Murray published Evangelicalism Divided – A Record of Crucial Change in the years 1950 to 2000. In his book Murray explores the reasons why Christian unity has become such a divisive topic in church of Jesus Christ. Over the course of events in the last half of the twentieth century, Murray chronicles the decline of evangelicalism during its long flirtation with ecumenism. [Ecumenicalism and ecumenism are generally considered as having the same meaning and are used interchangeably in this article.]

In the 1950s two movements – evangelicalism and ecumenism – offered differing paths to unity in the church. But as the decades have passed, the influence of ecumenism has exposed a fault line in evangelicalism. Questions of critical importance have been brought to the surface: Is the gospel broader than evangelicals have historically insisted? Can there be unity with non-evangelicals in evangelism and church leadership? Does the gospel have priority over denominational loyalty?[2]

We begin by defining ecumenicalism and identifying the prominent players in the struggle for church unity. Ecumenical is defined as being “…of, relating to, or representing the whole of a body of churches. Promoting or tending toward worldwide Christian unity or cooperation.”[3] The difficulty in achieving ecumenicalism is found in the differences between the fundamental beliefs of the evangelical and liberal wings of the Protestant churches that have sought to achieve unity within and between their churches. Liberal churches generally embrace many if not all of the following beliefs:

• The Bible has errors.
• The virgin birth of Christ is myth.
• Jesus did not rise again in bodily form after his crucifixion.
• Although Jesus was a good moral teacher, the gospels do not accurately depict his life on the earth (such as miracles he was supposed to have performed).
• Most of the authors of the Old and New Testaments are not who they are presented to be because the events written about in the Bible were written many years after the generation present during the events described.
• Hell is a myth.
• Man is not fallen and does not need redemption. Therefore, Christ’s death on the cross was not needed to provide redemption for mankind. Love is all that is needed.
• Liberals reject the doctrine of premillennialism – second coming of Christ that will take place before the establishment upon earth of Christ’s thousand year reign (the millennium).

These liberal beliefs had been growing for centuries and had been aided by the Renaissance (1300s-1500s) and Enlightenment philosophies (late 1600s and all of the 1700s). During the nineteenth century, a significant number in the church abandoned many long held doctrinal understandings of the Bible because of the growth of higher criticism (the Bible is flawed) and the rise of a humanistic worldview propelled by the writings of Charles Darwin, Karl Marx, John Dewey, and others.

The evangelical arm of the church had its beginnings in the late 1600s and early 1700s. The beliefs of evangelicals held since their beginnings were published in 1910 during the early turmoil between the liberal and conservative camps within the various Protestant denominations. These essential doctrines were published in twelve small volumes titled The Fundamentals: A Testimony to the Truth. The books listed the five fundamental doctrines that were vital to being an evangelical:

• The Bible is free from error in every respect.
• The virgin birth of Christ.
• The substitutionary work of Christ on the cross (Christ suffered and died as a substitute for man to satisfy God’s wrath against sin).
• The physical resurrection of Christ following His crucifixion.
• The physical second coming of Christ.

By 1916, the publication and circulation of 2.5 million copies of The Fundamentals had led to sharp controversies between the modernists and the evangelicals in many mainline churches.[4]

Ecumenical movement to 1950

The movement toward worldwide unity among the Christian churches in modern times had its beginnings in the latter part of the nineteenth century. For the first time in four hundred years since the Protestant Reformation and its separation from the Roman Catholic Church that began in 1517, there was talk of a “reunion of Christendom.”[5]

A second push toward unity and cooperation was also occurring within the Protestant realm in latter part of the nineteenth century. This was brought on by the substantial widening of the gap between the theological liberalism of those dominating the mainline churches and the more conservative elements who still wanted to stay in their denominations. Leaders on both sides of the riff sought to preserve denominational unity. The more conservative evangelicals saw this as being possible if there was agreement that the formal constitutions of their respective churches were not changed.[6] Therefore, unity was very much on the minds of the Protestants, perhaps more so than their Catholic counterparts.

The World Missionary Conference at Edinburgh, Scotland, held in 1910 is thought to be the beginning of the ecumenical movement. But from the very beginning, the price of admission to this supposedly wonderful world of Christian unity and cooperation was the abandonment of separate church structures and doctrinal distinctives. For evangelicals, this was a monumental problem, the insoluble Gordian knot that could not be untied through the give and take of conversation and negotiation. It must be cut, and the cutting would require loss of doctrinal purity that made them evangelical.

In 1948, the World Council of Churches was formed, and at its first assembly the WCC invited into membership all “churches which accept our Lord Jesus Christ as God and Saviour.”[7] In 1962, the WCC amended its constitution to describe their organization as “…a fellowship of churches which confess the Lord Jesus Christ as God and Saviour according to the scriptures, and therefore seek to fulfill together their common calling to the glory of the one God, Father, Son and Holy Spirit.” The WCC goes on to say that, “Since the WCC is not itself a church, it passes no judgment upon the sincerity or firmness with which member churches accept the basis or upon the seriousness with which they take their membership.”[8] Verbal acceptance was all that was necessary, and there was to be no judgement or creedal test to determine what the applicant organization meant by acceptance of Jesus as God and Savior. In effect, what the denominational leaders of member churches in the WCC are declaring is that they want to be part of an organization whose members’ beliefs do not matter so long they affirm Jesus as God and Savior regardless of what that means.

But Murray states that this departure from fidelity to the Bible and long-held doctrinal understandings is not of recent origin but has direct links with the dogmas from the age of unbelief, better known as the Enlightenment. As an example, Murray points to Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768-1834), the son of a German Reformed Church minister. Schleiermacher studied at the Moravian centers where piety, faith in the Bible, and its divine revelation were taught. However, Schleiermacher eventually abandoned the Moravians’ teachings and adopted the rationalism of Enlightenment philosophers. Eventually, he came to believe that religion is primarily a matter of feeling, intuition, and experience rather than doctrine.[9]

Summarizing the beginning of Schleiermacher’s first book, Murray wrote that “…true religion belongs essentially to the realm of experience—religion is a matter of a well-disposed heart and devout feelings…It matters not what we believe so long as our hearts our right…”[10] [emphasis added]

Murray stated that this teaching that unbelief does not exclude anyone from heaven was welcome news in a country where the great men of culture had no pretense of being orthodox.[11] This same attitude that beliefs are not vital to a relationship with God had become pandemic in Protestant evangelical churches during the course of the last half of the twentieth century. Many leaders of these Protestant churches will deny this and self-righteously point to their doctrinal statements. But again, it is not what they say or what their doctrinal statements proclaim, it is the outworking of this attitude that dictates what actually is occurring within those churches.

In the modern evangelical world this attitude that one’s doctrinal beliefs are not vital to a relationship with God fits extremely well with the prevailing humanistic relativism of the culture and the Church Growth movement’s seeker-sensitive prescriptions for doing church in which the most important aspect of one’s Christianity is to have a “well-disposed heart and devout feelings.”

As the church lost cultural power and authority during the six decades of 1870 to 1930, the growth and eventual dominance of its liberal beliefs led to a corresponding loss of fidelity to the Bible and long-held doctrinal beliefs of the church. Because of the liberal church’s indifference to doctrine, opposition to the unity movement became less difficult which allowed it to gain momentum. In Part II we shall examine the history of the ecumenical movement between 1950 and 2000 and the consequences of the evangelical church’s devastating loss of faithfulness to the Bible and its doctrines.

Larry G. Johnson

Sources:

[1] Iain H. Murray, Banner of Truth, https://banneroftruth.org/us/about/banner-authors/iain-h-murray/ (accessed February 3, 2017).
[2] Iain H. Murray, Evangelicalism Divided – A Record of Crucial Change in the Years 1950-2000, (Edinburgh, Scotland, UK: The Banner of Truth Trust, 2000), Book Jacket.
[3] “ecumenical,” Webster’s Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary, (Springfield, Massachusetts: G. & C. Merriam Company, Publishers, 1963), p. 263.
[4] B. K. Kuiper, The Church in History, (Grand Rapids, Michigan: CSI Publications, 1951, 1964), p. 388.
[5] Murray, Evangelicalism Divided, p. 2.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Ibid, p. 3.
[8] “The basis of the WCC,” World Council of Churches, https://www.oikoumene.org/en/about-us/self-understanding-vision/basis (accessed February 3, 2017).
[9] Murray, Evangelicalism Divided, pp. 3-5.
[10] Ibid., p. 7.
[11] Ibid., p. 9.

St. Valentine

The origins of Valentine’s Day appear to go back to at least three Christian martyrs named Valentine. One legend states that a Roman priest in the Christian church was the namesake for our modern Valentine’s Day. Valentine lived during the rule of Claudius II (Claudius the Cruel) in the third century. Emperor Claudius involved Rome in many unpopular and bloody campaigns but had difficulty maintaining a strong army. He believed the problem arose because many Roman men refused to join his armies for fear of what would happen to their wives and families if they died in battle. Claudius’ solution to the problem was to ban all marriages and engagements in Rome. For Valentine and the Christians, this was a violation of biblical commandments with regard to marriage and sexual relations between men and women. Valentine ignored Claudius’ decree and continued to perform marriages for young lovers in secret. Valentine’s actions were discovered, and he was sentence to death in 269 A.D. Claudius ordered that Valentine be put to death by having his head cut off after being beaten with clubs. The sentence was supposedly carried out on February 14, 270 or very near that time.[1]

But there’s more to Valentine’s story. While imprisoned in Rome, Valentine’s jailer knew of his Christian beliefs and asked if he could heal his daughter Julia’s blindness which had afflicted her from birth. Although Valentine didn’t promise that Julia would be healed, he agreed to teach the girl. As Julia listened to Valentine’s account of Rome’s history, his descriptions of the world of nature, his instruction in arithmetic, and his stories about God, Julia’s new found knowledge led her to a greater understanding of the world beyond her blind eyes and greater comfort and peace from her faith in God.[2]

The night before Valentine’s execution, he asked the jailer for a piece of paper, pen, and ink. He wrote a farewell note and gave it to give to the jailer for delivery to Julia. In the note he encouraged her to continue to follow God. He ended by signing the note “…From Your Valentine…” When the jailer went home, he gave the note to his daughter. She opened the note and found a yellow crocus inside. Gazing at what she held in her hand, she saw the brilliant colors of the flower. Her eyesight had been restored.[3]

Another legend amends the story by replacing the jailer with Asterius, one of the men who judged and condemned Valentine according to Roman law of that time. After Valentine prayed for the judge’s daughter, her sight was restored. Such was the effect on Asterius that he became a Christian. And similar to the story about the jailer, Valentine was said to have written a note to Asterius’ daughter just before his execution which was also signed “from your Valentine.”[4]

The significance of February 14th as the date of Valentine’s Day is said to have been linked to a Roman holiday which celebrated the Roman Goddess Juno who was the Queen of the Roman Gods and Goddesses including the Goddess of women and marriage. The day following the celebration of the Goddess Juno began the Feast of Lupercalia. During the evening of February 15th, the names of Roman girls were written on slips of paper and placed in jars. From these jars young Roman man would draw a name and the girl selected would be his partner for the remainder of the celebration.[5] In 496 AD, Pope Gelasius put an end to the pagan Feast of Lupercalia by declaring that henceforth St. Valentine’s Day would be celebrated February 14th.[6]

Whatever the origins of Valentine’s Day, it is a major if not official holiday in much of the Western world. It has become a huge festival of romantic love symbolized by billions of dollars spent on the giving of cards, letters, flowers, chocolate, jewelry, dinners, and assorted other tokens of love.

According to a recent article in Time magazine’s Money website, only 55% of Americans celebrate Valentine’s Day, but those that do spend an average of $146.84 (I know I’m hopelessly “old school,” but that’s hard to believe.). In 2015, total spending for celebration of Valentine’s Day was estimated to be $19.7 billion. That’s billion with a capital “B.” Of that number, Americans spent $4.5 billion on romantic dinners and tickets to various attractions including movies and shows and $1.7 billion on candy and other sweet treats. Valentine’s Day expenditures are not only for the romantics. For those Americans that celebrate Valentine’s Day, they spend an average of $28 on cards, gifts, and other items for kids, parents, and other family members; nearly $7 on their child’s teachers and classmates; and almost $6 for coworkers.[7]

There are certain facts that any male over the age of 16 should already know, but as men generally have short memories, these facts bear repeating. Don’t always believe it when she says, “Don’t bother with a gift on Valentine’s Day. It’s not necessary. Just being with you is enough.” The insincerity of her words was confirmed by a credit card company’s survey which found that only 25% really meant it. The other 75% of those who said not to bother buying a gift were lying! Of that 75%, one-third said they really didn’t mean it, and the other two-thirds said that the giver should go ahead and buy a gift anyway.[8] So fellows, when she tells you that you don’t need to buy a gift, you have only a one-in-four chance of staying out of the dog’s house if you forego the gift.

One final word, especially for you younger guys. “Gift” does not mean a new mixer for the kitchen, a set of new snow tires for her car, or lawn furniture. And above all, don’t make it a “joint” gift that you “both can enjoy”! You may be able to get away with that at Christmas or possibly on mother’s day, but never try it on Valentine’s Day or her birthday.

Happy Valentine’s Day!

Larry G. Johnson

Sources:

[1] David Kithcart, “St. Valentine – the Real Story,” CBN. http://www1.cbn.com/st-valentine-real-story (accessed January 4, 2017).
[2] “The Irish Valentine,” Roaringwater Journal, February 8, 2015. https://roaringwaterjournal.com/tag/claudius-the-cruel/ (accessed January 4, 2017).
[3] Ibid.
[4] “St. Valentine beheaded,” History. http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/st-valentine-beheaded (accessed January 4, 2017).
[5] “The Irish Valentine,” Roaringwater Journal.
[6] “St. Valentine beheaded,” History.
[7] Martha White, “The Truth About Valentine’s Day Spending,” Money, February 10, 2016.
http://time.com/money/4213074/valentines-day-spending/ (accessed January 4, 2017).
[8] Ibid.

Follow your heart?

Down through the ages these words have been the almost universal advice given to those attempting to make decisions and find direction for one’s life. Borrowing from the ancient Greek philosopher Socrates, William Shakespeare wrote, “This above all, to thine own self be true.”[1] More recently Steve Jobs wrote, “Don’t let the noise of others’ opinions drown out your own inner voice. And most important, have the courage to follow your heart and intuition.”[2]

Follow your dream, listen to your inner voice, get in touch with your inner self, and follow your intuition or hunches are various ways of expressing the more universal exhortation to “follow your heart.” The reason for the attractiveness and eager acceptance of this phrase is that it is an appeal to self. After all is said and done, following one’s heart is really doing what one really loves and wants to do anyway. This sentiment is expressed by the words of Jalaluddin Rumi, a 13th-century Persian poet, jurist, Islamic scholar, theologian, and Sufi mystic, “Let yourself be silently drawn by the strange pull of what you really love. It will not lead you astray.”[3] But will following your heart lead you in to making right decisions in life? In other words, can we trust the pull and direction to which our heart leads when seeking the best answers and direction for our lives?

The prophet Jeremiah writing in the sixth century B.C. condemned the nation of Israel for its extreme wickedness because their hearts were turned away from God.

This is what the Lord says, “Cursed is the one who trusts in man, who depends on flesh for his strength and whose heart turns away from the Lord…The heart is deceitful above all things and beyond cure. Who can understand it?” Jeremiah 17: 5, 9. KJV]

Jeremiah is telling us that the self-centered wisdom of man often fails because of his unregenerate heart which is deceitful above all things and can’t be fixed apart from God. What is this heart of which Jeremiah speaks?

The heart

The heart contains one’s desires, feelings, and thoughts which are a person’s inner being, but let’s be more specific in our examination of the three parts of man’s heart. The intellect (thoughts) involves the mind. Emotions (feelings) are expressed in a wide range from feelings of love, anger, anguish, delight, grief, humility, excitement, and passion to name just a few. The third compartment of the heart is the human will (desires) which contains a person’s motivation, purpose, and determination, all operating at the command of man’s freewill (his ability to choose which was implanted by God at the time of man’s creation).[4]

Alien philosophies and worldviews are contrary to biblical truth and the nature and character of God in whose image man was created. These false worldviews and philosophies appeal to the sinful, selfish nature of man through his heart (i.e., desires, feelings, and thoughts).[5] Therefore, the unregenerate heart of man is corrupt and cannot give truthful answers to life’s fundamental questions. If a person’s heart is corrupted which means that it is not rightly ordered or oriented toward God, how can that heart provide guidance and direction in obtaining truthful answers to all other questions in his or her life? It cannot.

The heart of man is the battleground for the ages-old conflict between the God of Creation and Satan and his followers. Every man is born with a corrupt heart and wears the sin-stained badge of Satan’s dominion. Man’s allegiance to Satan determines the condition of his heart and all that flows from it. Mark’s gospel describes contents of the hearts of men because of the inheritance of sin from their original ancestor.

And he said, “What comes out of a man is what defiles a man. For from within, out of the heart of man, come evil thoughts, fornication, theft, murder, adultery, coveting, wickedness, deceit, licentiousness, envy, slander, pride, foolishness. All these evil things come from within, and they defile a man.” [Mark 7:20-23. RSV]

Said another way, the heart of a defiled man continually spews forth corrupted thoughts, feelings, and desires. Can we trust and follow such a heart to guide us through life? If not, where do we find guidance?

The Bible, God’s revealed word, provides the prescription for the redeeming the unregenerate heart. Regeneration occurs when man truly repents, turns to God, and accepts Jesus Christ as his Lord and Savior. They are spiritually born again and in the process receive a new spiritual heart which comes with a desire to love and obey God. Spiritual rebirth results in a complete transition from the old sinful life in which man rebels again God and goes his own way to a new life evidenced by love and obedience to Jesus Christ. Attitudes and lifestyles are changed because man has been freed from the bondage of sin which allows him to fulfill God’s purposes for his life. Love replaces the vile things that once flowed out of an unregenerate heart.[6]

A purified heart allows man to come into an eternal relationship with his Creator. Because of the spiritual rebirth, man is empowered to pursue God’s purposes through the power and guidance of the Holy Spirit. Donald Stamps gives an excellent insight to one facet of the role and work of the Holy Spirit in a Christian’s life.

When Jesus gave the Holy Spirit to his disciples on the day he rose from the dead, he was not “baptizing” them in the Spirit as they would later experience at Pentecost (Acts 1:5; 2-4). Rather, it was the first time the disciples actually received the spiritually renewing presence of the Holy Spirit…The Spirit now lived within them. The inner presence of the Holy Spirit is part of the new life that all Christ’s followers now receive at the time they accept Christ’s forgiveness and surrender their lives to him…This “receiving” of new life from the Spirit was a prerequisite to their receiving the authority of Jesus and their baptism in the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost…All believers receive the Holy Spirit at the time of their spiritual birth…when they first accept God’s gift of forgiveness and eternal life through faith in Christ. After this, they can and should experience the baptism in the Holy Spirit for supernatural power to be Jesus’ witnesses and to spread his message.[7] [emphasis added]

Can a Christian follow his heart?

To answer this question we must examine how God directs and guides His followers. First, it must be said that God’s speaks to and guides all of His followers through His revealed word (the Bible) and the inner-workings of the Holy Spirit. When a Christian willfully or in a moment’s weakness disobeys God (sin), it is the power of God’s word and the convicting power of the Holy Spirit that speaks to the Christian by convicting him of sin through his conscience (i.e., man’s innate sense of right and wrong which exposes sin and calls for repentance and correction). If this convicting power is not heeded and repentance made, at some point the Christian returns to a life of sin and is once again separated from God.

God has a unique purpose and plan for every believer’s life. However, only His followers can fully achieve those plans and purposes which have their wellspring in a right relationship with the Creator. But there are many questions, decisions, and uncertainties in the lives of individual Christians which are not matters of overt sin or disobedience and which are not specifically addressed by God’s word. Here we turn again to the third member of the Trinity – The Holy Spirit.

Many excellent books have been written to explain and give understanding to the work and character of the Holy Spirit. But they reveal only a fleeting glimpse of the vastness of His divine nature and character. But for our purposes, we can turn to the Bible to glean an understanding of the many roles assigned to the Holy Spirit at the time of Christ’s resurrection. The Holy Spirit indwells the believer at the time of his spiritual renewal and sanctifies him. When the Holy Spirit sanctifies a believer, it is meant that He blesses, consecrates, purifies, approves, dedicates, and makes him holy. Although sanctification is immediate, it is also an ongoing work of the Holy Spirit in the life of the believer as he lives and grows in his Christian walk. In summary, the Holy Spirit cleanses, helps, leads, guides, and motivates the believer to a holy life; delivers him from the bondage of sin; teaches and guides him to all truth; and gives him comfort, joy, and help in all matters.[8]
______

We now return to our question, “Can a Christian follow his heart?” The answer must contain an “if-then” clause. If a man is born again, obeys God’s Word, lives a Godly life, and seeks guidance through prayer, God will speak to and direct that man through all three chambers of his regenerate heart – his mind, emotions, and will. Then, and only then, may a Christian trust and follow his heart.

Larry G. Johnson

Sources:

[1] “To thine own self be true,” eNotes. https://www.enotes.com/shakespeare-quotes/thine-own-self-true (accessed January 9, 2017).
[2] Steve Jobs, “Quotation #38353- Quotation Details,” The Quotation Page. http://www.quotationspage.com/quote/38353.html”Steve Jobs (accessed January 9, 2017).
[3] Jalaluddin Rumi “Quotes about follow your heart,” Goodreads. http://www.goodreads.com/quotes/tag/follow-your-heart (accessed January9, 2017).
[4] Donald Stamps, Commentary-Jeremiah 17:9, Fire Bible: Global Study Edition, New International Version, Gen. Ed. Donald Stamps, (Published by Hendrickson Publishers Marketing, LLC, Peabody, Massachusetts; Copyright 2009 by Life Publishers International, Springfield, Missouri), pp. 1062-1063.
[5] Stamps, Commentary-Jeremiah 17:9, Fire Bible: Global Study Edition, pp. 1306-1307. pp. 1306-1307.
[6] Stamps, Study Notes -“Regeneration: Spiritual Birth and Renewal,” Fire Bible: Global Study Edition, pp. 1915-1916.
[7] Stamps, Study Notes-“The Spiritual Rebirth of the Disciples,” Fire Bible: Global Study Edition, pp. 1966-1967.
[8] Stamps, Study Notes-“The Doctrine of the Holy Spirit,” Fire Bible: Global Study Edition, pp. 210-212.

Talk, trust, and truth – Polarization of American society

Mark Brewin is an associate professor and chairperson of the Department of Communications at the University of Tulsa. Mr. Brewin’s guest editorial for the Tulsa World’s Sunday Opinion section titled “Can we talk?” states that there are remarkably high levels of distrust in America which is creating an unhealthy nation. He says that, “We owe it to ourselves, and to each other to make a more conscious effort to listen to different voices, to forcibly and consciously move ourselves out of our networks.[1]

Brewin believes that the opposing ideological sides evident in 2016 presidential election have created this unhealthy situation. Brewin described the opponents.

At times over the course of the fall election period, it seemed as though half the country existed of mean-spirited racist and misogynistic troglodytes, who lacked either the ability or the inclination to use their reason; whereas the other half was composed of entitled elitists who drank craft beer, traveled to places like Paris or Ulan Bator for their summer vacations, and looked with utter contempt on God-fearing folk who fixed their plugged-up toilets and bagged their groceries.[2]

What Brewin is really describing is the centuries-long clash between conservatism and liberalism. With this understanding we can restate his caricatures of the two groups: The first group identified is the hateful, bigoted, women-hating, caveman conservatives who won’t use their reasoning ability (assuming they had the brains to do so which is doubtful). In the second group we have the snobbish liberals. Their great sin is not who they are or what they believe but merely looking down their noses and failing to appreciate the lower classes of society.

Brewin says that the inability of well-meaning people of all political and cultural persuasions is of recent origin. He states that only twenty years ago Americans could disagree without resorting to charges of moral corruption for merely supporting the other side. However, Brewin’s claim is clearly bogus with regard to the political spectrum. Even a cursory examination of American history (dating back to the Adams-Jefferson presidential campaign of 1800) will prove the fallacy of his statement. With regard to the cultural spectrum, the drift apart began occurring mid-way through the first half of the twentieth century beginning with Franklin Roosevelt’s administration when he successfully purged the Democratic Party of its conservative voices. Thus, the cultural and political divide is not of recent origin and will not be bridged by conciliatory dialog and understanding of the other side’s point of view.

Brewin suggests that the path to a mutual disdain between the two sides of the culture wars is long and complicated. In that he is correct. This complexity arises because the nation’s problems flow from non-negotiable issues that have risen as a result of the liberal-conservative split and a consequent loss of a cohesive central cultural vision once held by Americans for over 150 years. Talk alone will not heal this loss of cohesion in the nation’s central cultural vision.

The networked society

Brewin says that we can begin to gain an understanding of the development of this divide by looking at the concept of “network.” Social scientists have theorized that modern culture has evolved into a “networked” society and that these changes came about because of the way Americans get their information. The “mass” media in the twentieth century tended to be large and centralized. Social scientists feared that it was possible for the mass media to dominate society by controlling what they saw and heard thereby create a “mass” society of apathetic clones that were easily manipulated.[3]

In the latter part of the twentieth century the power and domination of the mainstream media was supposedly replaced by the Internet and other alternative media sources which collectively became known as the “networked” media. Mass media’s so-called passive audience had become an active group of information seekers that turned to the networked media which was supposed to bring them freedom and variety. However, Brewin is concerned that information networks may only “provide a vision of the world that flatters our opinions rather than challenging them. We do not hear arguments from opposing sides that might work to change our minds, or at least modify our opinions into something less radical.” Put another way, he sees the new networked media as appealing to our worst instincts because we listen to only those things with which we agree.[4]

But who decides what is radical? Although Brewin admits that the mainstream media produced a lot of “bad cultural product,” it sounds like he longs for a return to the good old days when the secular mass media controlled content and presented its humanistic vision of society. Thus, the liberal elitists could once again protect the masses from their “worst instincts.”[5] He provides an example.

But some of the things [delivered by mass media] that we didn’t like and didn’t want to listen to were good for us anyhow. It was good for pro-lifers and pro-choicers to be forced to listen to spokespeople for the other side every night on the evening news.[6]

Given the mainstream media’s decades-long support of abortion, when in the last forty-four years since Roe v. Wade have pro-choicers been forced to listen to spokespersons from the pro-life side every night in the mainstream media? Such would be a rare and brief occurrence comparable to an eclipse of the sun. Here Brewin reveals either his naiveté or duplicity. It is no secret that Christianity and its beliefs have been substantially evicted from the public square for decades.

In summary, Brewin believes that networked media makes it possible for information consumers to “bypass challenging but important views” which leads to ideological cocoons that foster distrust among the citizenry and produces an unhealthy nation. Brewin would have us break out of these cocoons by making a conscious effort to listen to different voices, to forcibly and consciously move ourselves out of our networks so that our radical ideas caused by our worst instincts can be moderated.

Clash of Worldviews

Here we arrive at the crux of the problem that Brewin misses. Brewin and the social scientists’ assume that people were weaned away from the mass media and now have developed an ideological cocoon in their brains because they have spent too much time imbibing their chosen narcotic provided by the networked media. But the mass media continues to have much greater power to manipulate and indoctrinate the populace than the networked media. Television was by far the dominate segment of mass media since the early 1950s and continues to do so today. In 1981, Richard Adler described the power of television in forming the worldviews of the nation’s citizenry.

The TV set has become the primary source of news and entertainment for most Americans and a major force in the acculturation of children…Television is not simply a medium of transmission, it is an active, pervasive force…a mediator between our individual lives and the larger life of the nation and the world; between fantasy and fact; between old values and new ideas; between our desire to seek escape and our need to confront reality.[7]

In his article “Television Shapes the Soul,” Michael Novak called television a

…molder of the soul’s geography. It builds up incrementally a psychic structure of expectations. It does so in much the same way that school lessons slowly, over the years, tutor the unformed mind and teach it “how to think.”[8]

To Novak, television is a “homogenizing medium” with an ideological tendency that is a “vague and misty liberalism” designed “however gently to undercut traditional institutions and to promote a restless, questioning attitude.”[9]

Therefore, we must ask the question with regard to Brewin’s conclusions. Have Americans in this polarized age retreated into information cocoons fed by like-minded media sources? This is the question asked by Brendan Nyhan when writing for The New York Times website in 2014. Nyhan’s answer was spelled out in the title of his article: “Americans Don’t Live in Informational Cocoons.”

In short, while it’s still possible to live in a political bubble [Brewin’s ideological cocoon] of your own choosing, the best evidence suggests that very few people are getting their news only from like-minded outlets. Why, then, do so many Americans seem to live in different political realities?

The problem isn’t the news we consume, it seems, but the values and identities that shape how we interpret that information — most notably, our partisan beliefs. In other words, Democrats and Republicans don’t see the world so differently because they see different news; rather, they see the news differently because they’re Democrats and Republicans in the first place.[10] [emphasis added]

If Nylan’s conclusions are correct, then Brewin’s contention that Americans have retreated into information cocoons fed by like-minded media sources appears to be erroneous. Additionally, the origins of this distrust and ideological differences are far older than suggested by Brewin and his social scientist theorists. This raises a second question. If the theory that the networked media causes an ideological cocoon is a fiction, then what is the source for the polarization of American life? It occurs because of the way the two sides see the world, that is, their worldviews are fundamentally different.

One’s worldview is built throughout life and reflects the picture of one’s understanding of reality (truth). From this understanding of truth we form our values, beliefs, and identities from which we attempt to answer the basic questions of life: who are and where did we come from, how did we get in the mess we are in, and how do we get out of it.

In a free society, the worldviews most commonly held generally form the central cultural vision that brings order to that society or nation. In a humanistic society order is achieved through socialism, and in a socialistic society it is the worldviews and philosophies of the state, as crafted and dictated by its ruling elites, which flow downward to the citizenry and are imposed on each sphere of society. As Western civilization moved away from the Judeo-Christian to a humanistic worldview over the last three hundred years, the pathologies in these societies have exploded because of the tyrannical demands of relativistic humanism contradicts the God-given innate nature of man that seeks objective truth and freedom.

Requirements for cultures to survive: Unity and Truth

The two essentials that any culture must have and without which it disintegrates over time are unity and truth. A society’s central cultural vision must command unity, and such unity must filter up from individuals, not be coerced or forced down on society by its elites. Also, a culture’s central cultural vision must be based on truth with regard to the nature of God, creation, and man. Without a central cultural vision that commands unity and is based on truth, there can be no order to the soul or society, and without order in both, society deteriorates over time and eventually disintegrates.

In America there are two worldviews competing for dominance in the nation’s central cultural vision—the Judeo-Christian worldview and the humanistic worldview (defined by its various components – liberalism, progressivism, relativism, and naturalism among others). For most of the nation’s history its central cultural vision has been built on the foundation of the Judeo-Christian worldviews of its citizens.

This central cultural vision has been under attack since the late nineteenth century. Beginning in the 1960s, the humanistic worldview gained momentum and by the end of the century the predominate leadership in the spheres of American life held a humanistic worldview (in politics, government, the sciences, economy, education, law, media, entertainment, popular culture, and much of the church). As these leaders consolidated their power, they began to fashion and impose a network of humanistic laws, policies, rules, and regulations on a society that is still predominately of a Judeo-Christian worldview. Each side holds diametrically opposed views of reality (truth) with regard to God, nature, the origins and purpose of man, and a host of other flashpoints in the culture wars. These differences are immutable and irreconcilable which no amount of discussion and negotiation will bridge. This is the reason for America’s polarization.

Larry G. Johnson

Sources:

[1] Mark Brewin, “Can we talk?” Tulsa World, January 22, 2017, G1.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Richard P. Adler, Understanding Television – Essays on Television as a Social and Cultural Force, ed. Richard P. Adler (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1981), p. xi-xii.
[8] Michael Novak, “Television Shapes the Soul,” Understanding Television – Essays on Television as a Social and Cultural Force, ed. Richard P. Adler, pp. 20.
[9] Ibid., pp. 26-27.
[10]Brendan Nyhan, “Americans Don’t Live in Informational Cocoons,” New York Times.com, October 24, 2014. https://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/25/upshot/americans-dont-live-in-information-cocoons.html (accessed January 25, 2017).

The failure of Western liberal ideology

Nothing has exposed the falsity of the reigning humanist-progressivist worldview and its tenets of tolerance, multiculturalism, and diversity in Western civilization as has the massive flood of immigrants from Africa and the Middle East to Europe. The same is occurring to a lesser extent along America’s porous southern border. Floods are destructive, but a steady flow of unpolluted water is crucial to sustain a beautiful and bountiful land. Is the analogy of the hydrology of water and the occurrence, flow, movement, and distribution of immigrants into a country not accurate?

One is not anti-immigrant to want an orderly, lawfully conducted immigration process that respects the existing citizens of a nation whether they were natural born or properly immigrated and assimilated. Progressivist policies that fail to stem the continuing surge of large numbers of illegal immigrants were one of the greatest flashpoints of conflict in the campaigns of the two aspirants for the presidency in 2016. These progressivist policies undermine American society because they reflect a failure to understand the true meaning and importance of culture.

There is a ceaseless struggle between a culture’s will to survive and the agitant of modernist pluralism. Pluralism, rightly defined, is “a state of society in which members of diverse ethnic, racial, religious, or social groups maintain and develop their traditional culture or special interest within the confines of a common civilization.”[1] [emphasis added] But modern progressive definitions of pluralism have attempted to displace the general synthesis of values in America, that is, its central cultural vision. Humanistic forms of pluralism attempt to supersede and thereby shatter the confines of a common civilization through imposition of perverse definitions of tolerance, multiculturalism, and diversity in all spheres of American life.

Progressivist tolerance

Progressivism’s idea of tolerance is a consequence of the humanistic doctrine of cultural relativism. But how does one order a society if it is culturally relativistic, that is, what anchors its beliefs and welds together a cohesive society? Humanists claim that order is achieved by a tolerance that requires a suspension of judgment as to matters of truth and beliefs with regard to moral judgements of right and wrong since all belief systems contain some truth within while no one belief system has all the truth. In such a progressivist view, a strong belief in anything becomes a desire to impose those beliefs on other people which translate into loss of freedom. It is humanism’s values-free approach which must ultimately deny any absolutes. Through the humanist understanding of toleration comes liberty by preventing the development and promotion of strong beliefs.[2]

One dictionary’s definition of tolerance is “…the allowed deviation from a standard.”[3] This definition implies a standard by which to measure the value of other cultures as well as a limit to the extent to which deviation from the prevailing culture’s standard will be allowed. However, this definition violates the humanistic understanding of tolerance which suspends all judgement as to standards of truth and morality.

Progressivist multiculturalism

Progressivist ideas of multiculturalism closely mirror its rationale for tolerance which is based on a relativistic, values-free society and a denial of absolutes. Multiculturalism is a humanist doctrine that came into vogue during the late twentieth century. As humanists see it, morality shouldn’t be imposed by religions or legislated by governments. Rather, the alternative is to develop civic and moral virtues in accordance with humanist doctrine by means of moral education.[4] As a result the humanists’ doctrine of multiculturalism has spread throughout the educational system in America. Humanist educational elites believe that America has been too immersed in Western “Eurocentric” teachings to the detriment of other cultures. It has been their goal to redirect the education curriculum toward various counterculture teachings (i.e., Afrocentrism, humanistically defined feminism, legitimization of homosexuality, and radical doctrines such as neo-Marxism) that challenge the “white, male-dominated European studies.” But a closer examination of the humanist agenda reveals that multiculturalism is not intended to supplement but rather to supplant Western culture that is so steeped in Christianity.[5]

Progressivist diversity

Humanism’s diversity is a close kin of multiculturalism and focuses on the differences within society and not society as a whole. With emphasis on the differences, mass culture becomes nothing more than an escalating number of subcultures within an increasingly distressed political framework that attempts to satisfy the myriad of demands of the individual subcultures. There is a loss of unity through fragmentation and ultimately a loss of a society’s central cultural vision which leads to disintegration. Humanism’s impulse for diversity is a derivative of relativism and humanism’s perverted concept of equality.[6]

The meaning and defense of culture

Once again we must turn to Richard Weaver for his brilliant insights into the meaning of culture and its defense against becoming syncretistic (a culture that attempts to mix or combine different forms of belief or practices).

It is the essence of culture to feel its own imperative and to believe in the uniqueness of its worth…Syncretistic cultures like syncretistic religions have always proved relatively powerless to create and to influence; there is no weight or authentic history behind them. Culture derives its very desire to continue from its unitariness…There is at the heart of every culture a center of authority from which there proceed subtle and pervasive pressures upon us to conform and to repel the unlike as disruptive…it must insist on a pattern of inclusion and exclusion…[It is] inward facing toward some high representation…Culture is by nature aristocratic, for it is a means of discriminating between what counts for much and what counts for little…For this reason it is the very nature of culture to be exclusive…There can be no such thing as a “democratic” culture in the sense of one open to everybody at all times on equal terms…For once the inward-looking vision and the impulse to resist the alien are lost, disruption must ensue.”[7]

The essence of a culture may be described as a general synthesis of values common to a group’s vision of the world, that is, the way things ought to work. Every culture has a center which commands all things. Weaver called this center imaginative rather than logical and “…a focus of value, a law of relationships, an inspiring vision…to which the group is oriented.” The foundation of the cultural concept is unity that assumes a general commonality of thought and action. A unified culture requires a center of cultural authority from which radiates a subtle and pervasive pressure to conform. The pressures to conform may range from cultural peer pressure to moral and legal restraints. Those that do not conform are repelled of necessity. Thus, in any culture there are patterns of inclusion and exclusion. Without such patterns, the culture is unprotected and disintegrates over time.[8]

There is an inherent tension between the exclusivity demanded by culture and progressivism’s doctrines of tolerance and its corollaries of multiculturalism and diversity. Tolerance suggests acceptance and inclusiveness while exclusivity implies segregation and denial. By segregation is not meant segregation within a culture but between cultures. The culture that values its central vision welcomes integration of diverse groups that share or at least respects that culture’s common central vision. Because of such diversity, a culture becomes a stronger.[9] It is in the humanistic definition of pluralism in which cultures are prone to failure because the central cultural vision becomes fragmented as the values-free central cultural vision does not provide the cohesion necessary for survival.

By its very essence, culture must discriminate against those outside its boundaries that do not share or respect its central vision. A culture must believe in its uniqueness, worth, and the superiority of its worldview. To attempt to meld together or comingle multiple cultures into one culture with multiple centers of vision is to create a powerless culture with little influence and place it on the road to disintegration. By definition, culture must be an inward-looking vision and resist the alien. Without such is a loss of wholeness, and a culture’s cohesiveness dissolves into chaos as its various parts drift into orbits around parochial interests and egocentrism.[10]

Failure of Western liberal ideology

There is hope that Western civilization is awakening to the real and looming dissolution of its respective cultures because of decades of dominance by liberal elitists who promote a humanistic culture and impose policies in support of that worldview.

In the evening of December 19th, a terrorist hijacked a truck and ran over and killed twelve people and injured forty-eight more at a Christmas market in Berlin. Patrick Buchanan wrote of this tragedy and points out that it was merely the latest of a decade of similar attacks in London, Brussels, Paris, Madrid, and Berlin. Buchanan wrote that the responsibility for the attacks can be laid at the door of Western liberal ideology which is says is the ideology of Western suicide.[11]

…the peoples of Europe seem less interested in hearing recitals of liberal values than in learning what their governments are going to do to keep the Islamist killers out and make them safe…Liberals may admonish us that all races, creeds, cultures are equal, that anyone from any continent, country, or civilization can come to the West and assimilate…But people don’t believe that. Europe and America have moved beyond the verities of 20th century liberalism…Only liberal ideology calls for America and Europe to bring into their home countries endless numbers of migrants, without being overly concerned about who they are, whence they come or what they believe.[12] [emphasis added]

Buchanan rightly identifies the first duty of government is to protect the safety and security of the people. But the responsibility for our present peril in the West goes beyond a failure of government to protect its people. It is the failure of the peoples of Western civilization to defend their respective cultures from the false claims of those holding and promoting a humanistic view of the world. The rapidly approaching demise of the Western ethic can be stopped and reversed. It will not be quick, easy, or painless, but we have no choice other than to battle this menace if we care about what kind of world our children and grandchildren will inherit.

Larry G. Johnson

Sources:

[1] “pluralism,” Merriam-Webster. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/pluralism (accessed December 29, 2016).
[2] M. Stanton Evans, The Theme is Freedom – Religion, Politics, and the American Tradition, (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Publishing, Inc., 1994), pp. 40-42.
[3] “tolerance,” Webster’s Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary, (Springfield, Massachusetts: G. & C. Merriam Company, Publisher, 1963), p. 930.
[4] Paul Kurtz, Toward a New Enlightenment – The Philosophy of Paul Kurtz, (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 1994, p. 101.
[5] Larry G. Johnson, Ye shall be as gods – Humanism and Christianity –The Battle for Supremacy in the American Cultural Vision, (Owasso, Oklahoma: Anvil House Publishers, LLC, 2011), pp. 188-189.
[6] Ibid., p. 398.
[7] Richard M. Weaver, Visions of Order – The Cultural Crisis of Our Time, (Wilmington, Delaware: Intercollegiate Studies Institute, 1995, 2006), pp. 10-12. Originally published by Louisiana State University Press, 1964.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Ibid., pp. 11-13.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Patrick J. Buchanan, Patrick J. Buchanan – Official Website, December 22, 2016.
http://buchanan.org/blog/europes-future-merkel-le-pen-126291 (accessed January 4, 2017).
[12] Ibid.

The Founders’ limitation on direct democracy – Part II – Checks and balances

As discussed in Part I, the Founders wished to establish a form of government that would address the abuses inherent in various other forms of government. They chose a democratic republic which they believed would insure the continuing preservation of the new nation. The first great challenge in writing a Constitution for the democratic republic was to create a system of checks and balances between the three branches of government, between the large and small states, and between the national government and the states. In the legislative arena this was accomplished by establishing a bicameral legislature to insure that individual state voices and diverse regional interests would not be overwhelmed, ignored, or trampled upon by larger states and/or coalitions of states. The Founders believed that it was necessary to balance the will of the majority of the population (guarded by the House) with the will of the majority as determined by the states (guarded by the Senate).[1] The creation of a bicameral legislature was an overt action of the Founders to impose a Constitutional limitation on direct democracy. Without such a balancing of power it is doubtful that the Convention would have produced a document acceptable to the representatives of the former colonies. A second overt action of the Founders to impose a Constitutional limitation on democracy was establishment of the Electoral College. The remainder of this article will address this subject.

Why did the Founders establish the Electoral College?

The concern for a system of checks and balances in electing the head of the executive branch of government was also on the minds of the delegates to the Constitutional Convention. When debating the procedure for selecting the president, three methods were proposed and subsequently rejected.

1. Congress would select the President – This proposal was rejected for three reasons. First, it was felt that this method would engender rancorous partisanship that would inhibit future legislative efforts. Second, because Congress was such a small body, there was concern that foreign governments could more easily influence the outcome of an election through bribery and corruption. Lastly, the election of the head of the executive branch of government by the legislative branch would compromise the president’s independence from the legislative branch.
2. State legislatures would select the President – This proposal was rejected because of the fear that the federal republic would be undermined through erosion of federal authority by a president that was too indebted to the states.
3. The President would be elected by a popular national vote – This was rejected “not because the framers distrusted the people but rather because the larger populous states would have much greater influence than the smaller states and therefore the interests of those smaller states could be disregarded or trampled.” A further concern was that a national popular election would encourage regionalism through creation of coalitions among the more populous states which would damage lasting national unity.[2]

To solve the dilemma, the Convention delegates appointed a “Committee of Eleven” to study the problem and propose a viable alternative which resulted in establishment of the Electoral College.[3] Again, this action was the Founders’ second explicit action to impose a Constitutional limitation on direct democracy.

James Madison, a signor of the Constitution and often referred to as its father, wrote:

The Constitution is nicely balanced with the federative and popular principles; the Senate are guardians of the former, and the House of Representatives of the latter; and any attempts to destroy this balance, under whatever specious names or pretenses that may be presented, should be watched with a jealous eye.[4] [emphasis added]

In the election of a president under the Electoral College system, the smaller states receive a slightly greater voice, proportionally speaking, than the larger states. In other words, the Electoral College system tends to slightly over-represent voters in the smaller states, but at the same time adds a measure of protection to those states without the clout to defend their interests from those of much larger states.

How the Electoral College Works

The Electoral College is a process whereby once each four years Americans voting in the Presidential election cast ballots to select which persons that will serve as electors to select the President of the United States. In each state, a candidate for the Presidency has his or her own set of electors that appear on the ballot. These electors are generally chosen by the candidate’s political party within that state. Even though a candidate’s name appears above the list of his or her electors on the election ballot, the voter is actually voting for those electors. The candidate whose electors receive the most votes in a state receive all of that state’s electoral votes except for Nebraska and Maine which award an electoral vote to the winner of the popular vote in each Congressional district within those states.[5]

The number of electoral votes each state has is determined by the number of senators and members of the House Representatives in that state. For example, Oklahoma has seven electors because it has two senators and five representatives. There are 435 members of the House of Representatives and 100 Senators which total 535 electors. The 23rd Amendment to the Constitution gave three electoral votes to the District of Columbia, an amount equal to the least number of electors a state may have. Thus, there are 538 electors. To become the President, a candidate must receive an absolute majority of the electoral votes which is 270.[6] If there is a tie of 269 votes for each candidate, the House of Representatives selects the President from among the top three candidates.[7]

Subsequent to the casting of votes by each state’s electors in December following the election, the governor of each state submits a Certificate of Ascertainment which declares the winning presidential candidate based on the electors’ votes. That Certificate along with each elector’s Certificate of Vote is forwarded to Congress and the National Archives. Each state’s electoral votes are counted in a joint session of Congress on the 6th of January.[8] The newly elected president is sworn in and takes office on January 20.

2016 Presidential Election and the Electoral College

Columnist E. J. Dionne, a member of the Washington Post Writers Group, believes the majority of Americans will be disempowered in 2017 because Hilary Clinton won the popular vote by approximate 2.6 million. However, Donald Trump won the Electoral College vote by a relatively wide margin of 306 to 232 and became the President-Elect. Dionne writes:

The inherent illogic of our practices, and the fact that they have nothing to do with the Founders’ intentions, is underscored by this contradiction: We are supposed to ignore the national popular vote, but deeply respect Trump’s narrow 77,000 popular-vote advantage in three states that will tip the Electoral College his way.[9]

But Dionne is wrong on all three counts. The practices of the Electoral College are very logical when considering that the Founder’s reasons behind it are based on the principles of a republican form of government. Those practices have everything to do with the Founders’ intentions for they specifically rejected the election of the president by popular vote. And we must respect the outworking of the Electoral College, even when it contradicts the popular vote because it balances the federative and popular principles of a republican form of government about which Madison spoke.

Dionne calls the workings of the Electoral College an “outdated system” which will allow the current government to pursue “quite radical policies destined to arouse considerable resistance from the disempowered majority.”[10] But disempowerment has been the protocol of liberals for decades through wrongful interpretation of the Constitution in ways contrary to its plain language and intent of the Founders, through decisions of unelected judges that effectively legislate through their decrees, and a federal bureaucracy that misinterprets and corrupts the laws passed by Congress and thereby undermines the will of the people while pursuing the liberal agenda. Two major examples of this judicial and bureaucratic over-reach are the so-called public “bathroom policies” pushed by the LGBT lobby and the pro-abortion policies of the left which the majority of Americans oppose.

So are both the supposed unfairness of the Electoral College and the wrongdoings of the unelected judiciary and bureaucracy morally equivalent? Absolutely not! The Electoral College is working as the Founders intended. Without the restraining force of the Electoral College, the heavily populated liberal strongholds clinging to the east and west coasts would steamroll the interests of the citizens of a vast majority of states which eventually will become little more than administrative districts used by the federal government to impose the will of the concentrated majority on a powerless minority located in what many consider to be merely “fly over” country. The potential power of these concentrated and growing majorities without the restraining influence of the Electoral College becomes alarmingly clear when examining the following statistics.

• In 2015, nine states accounted for over half the population of the United States (meaning that the remaining forty-one states accounted for the other half).[11] Six of these nine states border the Gulf of Mexico, the Atlantic Ocean, or the Pacific Ocean. The remaining three border the Great Lakes.
• California is the most populous state with slightly over 39,000,000 residents. It requires the populations of twenty-two states having the lowest populations plus the District of Columbia to equal or slightly exceed the population of California.[12]
• The eleven most populous states have 270 electoral votes, enough to elect the president without the need for even one vote from the remaining thirty-nine states and the District of Columbia.[13]
• In the 2016 presidential election, 2,622 counties with mostly smaller populations voted for the Republican nominee while 490 counties with mostly larger populations voted for the Democratic nominee.[14] This large-versus-small county voting split is apparent even in those Democratic states with large population counties that vote Democratic and counties with relatively small populations that vote Republican.

Dionne’s principal argument against the Electoral College process is that it is unfair and inherently antidemocratic because some votes do not have the same proportional impact as other votes which violates the so-called “one-man-one vote” proposition. They contend that one man ought to have one vote proportional to all other votes. But proportional equality in the vote of each citizen was not the intent of the Founders for reasons which we have previously discussed, i.e., balancing both federative and popular principles as opposed to a direct democracy in electing the president which was specifically rejected by the Founders.

Should the nation abandon the Electoral College process for electing the president in favor of a popular vote, several undesirable consequences will occur. Campaigns would tend to ignore individual voters and the important interests of their state and region. Rather, the candidates would conduct an almost continual media campaign aimed at voters in the most populous regions of the country (e.g., the nine states comprising over half the population of the United States). Candidates would heavily invest in electronic media advertising and have little interest in mobilizing constituencies, addressing the interests of specific groups, or voter registration and education. Since the population centers are largely urban which tend to be more liberal, presidential campaigns would focus on and become substantially beholden to liberal interests and brush aside the beliefs and interests of the remainder of the country. Rather than being an illogical, outdated practice as claimed by Dionne, the Electoral College in light of the growing power of the more populous states is more than ever a critical component in preserving the republican form of government and balancing federative and popular principles by which it operates.

Kathleen Parker is also a member of the Washington Post Writers Group. Unlike Dionne who wishes to scrap the Electoral College altogether, Parker wanted to use the Electoral College to deprive Donald Trump of the presidency. In a recent editorial column, Parker encouraged Republican electors to ignore the rules and wishes of the voters in their respective states and not cast their 306 Electoral vote for Donald Trump. Parker hoped that a defection of 37 electors will reduce Trump’s electoral votes to 269, deprive him of the presidency, and send someone else to the Oval Office.[15] Parker wrote:

If there are 37 Republicans among them with the courage to perform their moral duty and protect the nation from a talented but dangerous president-elect, a new history of heroism will have to be written. Please be brave.[16]

In an attempt to support her case, Parker quoted Alexander Hamilton who wrote that the Electoral College

“…affords a moral certainty that the office of President will never fall to the lot of any man who is not in an eminent degree endowed with the requisite qualifications.” Electors would prevent the “tumult and disorder” that would result from the candidate’s exploiting “talents for low intrigue, and the little arts of popularity.”[17]

It’s interesting to note that Parker’s own low intrigue readily ignores over sixty-one million voters who judged Donald Trump as having been endowed with the requisite qualifications for the presidency (at least when compared with Clinton) in favor of a few “brave” Electoral voters who must “perform their moral duty and protect the nation from a talented but dangerous president elect.”

We should not be surprised at Ms. Parker’s audacity for this is the typical mindset of our liberal betters. In their minds they think they know what’s good for the country far better than the voters, and if they could just get rid of that pesky Electoral College thing they would really show the electorate what’s best for them.

Larry G. Johnson

Sources:

[1] David Barton, “Electoral College: Preserve or Abolish?” Wallbuilder.com. January 2001,
http://www.wallbuilders.com/LIBissuesArticles.asp?id=95 (accessed December 12, 2016).
[2] Ibid.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid.
[5] “What is the Electoral College?” U.S. Electoral College, National Archives and Records Administration, https://www.archives.gov/federal-register/electoral-college/about.html (accessed December 12, 2016).
[6] Ibid.
[7] David Barton, “Electoral College: Preserve or Abolish?” Wallbuilder.com, January 2001.
[8] “What is the Electoral College?” U.S. Electoral College, National Archives and Records Administration.
[9] E. J. Dionne, “The disempowered majority of 2017,” Tulsa World, December 9, 2016, A-10,
[10] Ibid.
[11] State Population by Rank, 2015, Infoplease.com. http://www.infoplease.com/us/states/population-by-rank.html (accessed December 13, 2016).
[12] Ibid.
[13] “What is the Electoral College?” U.S. Electoral College, National Archives and Records Administration.
[14] Zeke J. Miller and Chris Wilson, “See a Map That Shows Exactly How Donald Trump Won,” Time, December 1, 2016. http://time.com/4587866/donald-trump-election-map/ (accessed December 13, 2016).
[15] Kathleen Parker, “Or will the electors revolt?” Tulsa World, December 10, 2016. A-15
[16] Ibid.
[17] Ibid.

The Founders’ limitation on direct democracy – Part I – Republicanism

Republicanism refers to the principles or theory of the republican form of government. It can also mean the principles, practices, or policies of the Republican Party of the United States, but that is not the meaning which will be discussed herein.

When American colonists won independence from the British, the Founding leaders deliberately set about to establish a form of government that would address the deficiencies found in other forms of government and to curb the excesses thereof. After considerable thought, debate, and deliberation, they chose to become a democratic republic. “Republic” refers to public concerns, that is, the general welfare of the public expressed in political terms. A democratic republic is not a totalitarian democracy controlled by one or a few or a direct democracy which is absolutely controlled by the populace.[1] Because the Founders had experienced the excesses of a capricious and excessive use of power by their former rulers, they were particularly interested in a form of government that would limit the use of power by its various components. This limitation was accomplished by a relatively complex system of checks and balances on each component of government at the federal level (Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary) and balancing the needs of a national government with the rights of its member states in their areas of self-governance.

The America form of government was to be a constitutional democracy based on laws as opposed to an absolute democracy based on the direct will of the people. The intricacies and workings of the Americans’ republican form of government are spelled out in the Constitution and Amendments thereto. Russell Kirk in his brilliant description of the American Republic wrote that the Constitution guiding the American political state is but an expression of the “…laws, customs, habits, and popular beliefs that existed before the Constitutional Convention met at Philadelphia.” These laws, customs, habits, and beliefs were derived from and molded by their political experience under colonial rule, the legacy of English law, efforts at governance under the Articles of Confederation, and perhaps most important the general consensus regarding certain moral and social concerns.[2] These moral and social concerns were substantially formed by a Judeo-Christian view of the world and how it worked.

In every age and people group men desire two things: freedom and order. These are inherently conflicting needs which are found within the operation of governments as well as in the personal affairs of men. The task of the delegates to the Constitutional Convention was to create a government which would harness these conflicting needs.

The Convention delegates had a great aversion to direct democracies which they saw as resting on the shifting sands of feelings and passions of the moment. Instead they chose the firm foundation of a democratic republic built upon laws created by elected representatives.

With unambiguous language, the Convention delegates and other Founders expressed their deep distrust of direct democracy. The following examples were assembled by David Barton in “Republic v. Democracy.”[3]

[D]emocracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security, or the rights of property; and have, in general, been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. [James Madison]

Remember, democracy never lasts long. It soon wastes, exhausts, and murders itself. There never was a democracy yet that did not commit suicide. [John Adams]

A democracy is a volcano which conceals the fiery materials of its own destruction. These will produce an eruption and carry desolation in their way…The known propensity of a democracy is to licentiousness (excessive license) which the ambitious call, and ignorant believe to be liberty. [Fisher Ames, Author of the House Language for the First Amendment]

We have seen the tumult of democracy terminate . . . as [it has] everywhere terminated, in despotism…Democracy! savage and wild. Thou who wouldst bring down the virtuous and wise to thy level of folly and guilt. [Gouverneur Morris, Signer and Penman of the Constitution]

[T]he experience of all former ages had shown that of all human governments, democracy was the most unstable, fluctuating and short-lived. [John Quincy Adams]

A simple democracy…is one of the greatest of evils. [Benjamin Rush, Signer of the Declaration]

In democracy…there are commonly tumults and disorders…Therefore a pure democracy is generally a very bad government. It is often the most tyrannical government on earth. [Noah Webster]

Pure democracy cannot subsist long nor be carried far into the departments of state; it is very subject to caprice and the madness of popular rage. [John Witherspoon, Signer of the Declaration]

It may generally be remarked that the more a government resembles a pure democracy the more they abound with disorder and confusion. [Zephaniah Swift, Author of America’s First Legal Text]

Unfortunately, many Americans today seem to be unable to distinguish the significant differences between a republic and a democracy. The principal difference is found in the source of authority to which each defers. A pure democracy operates by a majority vote and reflects the immediate will of the majority whereas a republic operates under the rule of law. The first reflects the majority of popular feelings of the moment (sometimes called a “mobocracy” by the Founders) and the second rests on the laws discussed and passed after thoughtful deliberation by the elected representatives of the people. In a republic, a constitution protects certain inalienable rights that cannot be taken away by the government even it was elected by a majority of voters. In a direct or pure or direct democracy, the majority is not restrained and can force its will on the minority.

However, it would be wrong to suppose that all laws passed by a republican form of government are just. There is one additional requirement necessary to create an enduring republic attentive to the general welfare of the people. The laws passed by a republic’s elected representatives are only as good as the sources upon which they based the laws. Here we transcend into the realm of truth, and it is the conflict about what constitutes truth that we find the root cause of the culture wars in modern America. The importance of this issue is of the first magnitude for laws based on untruths and false views of the world and the nature of man will eventually cause any system of government to fail including both republics and democracies.

John Adams was just one of many Founders and first generation of Americans who identified the singular source of truth for the principles of civil government.

The highest glory of the American Revolution was this; it connected in one indissoluble bond the principles of civil government with the principles of Christianity…From the day of the Declaration…they (the American people), were bound by the laws of God, which they all, and by the laws of their Gospel, which they nearly all, acknowledge as the rules of conduct.[4] [emphasis added]

Likewise, Noah Webster unequivocally identified the source of truth for the republican principles upon which the nation was founded.

The brief exposition of the constitution of the United States will unfold to young persons the principles of republican government; and it is the sincere desire of the writer that our citizens should early understand that the genuine source of correct republican principles is the Bible, particularly the New Testament, or the Christian religion.[5] [emphasis added]

However, the acid of Enlightenment egalitarianism promoted by a liberal, progressive, relativistic, materialist society is ever eating away Adams’ indissoluble bond between the principles of civil government and the principles of Christianity.

One such acid promoted by the liberals is the notion that the Constitution is a “living document.” Beginning in the early twentieth century, liberals contended that the Constitution must be modified or bent to address the modern age and problems never foreseen by the Founders. If, as liberals believe, the Constitution is a living document, then its meaning and intent is pliable which allows it to become an instrument for enlightened social change to meet the needs of the hour.

A second liberal acid that threatens republican principles is decades of significant judicial activism by liberal judges usurping the role of the legislature by making law as opposed to a thoughtful judicial interpretation of the law in light of the plain language of the Constitution. Such judicial law making tosses aside republican principles of creating law by elected representatives in favor of laws made by unelected and unaccountable judges to further the goals of an elite cadre of social engineers who “know best” what’s good for America.

A third acid that undermines republican principles is an abusive and adversarial bureaucracy largely insulated and unaccountable to the legislative bodies. Regulatory oversight is a necessary and proper function of government. However, under the expansive interpretation of the Constitution’s general welfare clause beginning in 1936, much of regulatory oversight has become an autocratic function of a nanny-state bureaucracy intruding into the lives of a free people capable of making rational decisions without government interference.[6]

In summary, republican principles of government as implanted in the Constitution by the Founders have been muted, ignored, or misinterpreted by liberal maneuverings and intrigues. We have become a nation guided by feelings relative only to the moment. Therefore, human nature, through its passions, appetites, and desires of the moment, is released from the prescriptions of history, custom, convention, and tradition. This was not the intent of the Founders. Their true intent mirrored the beliefs of Thomas Jefferson who Sherwood Eddy described as being one who “… stood for a strict interpretation of the conservative Constitution to prevent ever-threatened encroachments upon the rights of the people, the legislature, and the states.”[7] In other words, Jefferson was an “originalist” and would have only contempt for the concept of a “living Constitution.”

Because of the unrelenting assault on the biblical worldview for three generations and a lack of truthful teaching in our schools about America’s founding republican principles, America is seeing a shift by a growing segment of its citizens to a humanistic worldview devoid of belief in a transcendent God, objective truth, and the fallen nature of man. The consequences of such a shift in the America cultural vision were foreseen by our Founding fathers.

The only foundation for…a republic is to be laid in religion. Without this there can be no virtue, and without virtue there can be no liberty, and liberty is the object and life of all republican governments.[8] [Benjamin Rush – Signor of the Declaration of Independence, attendee at the Continental Congress, physician and first Surgeon General]

Without morals, a republic cannot subsist any length of time; they therefore who are decrying the Christian religion…are undermining the solid foundation of morals, the best security for the duration of free governments.[9] [Charles Carroll – Signor of the Declaration of Independence, lawyer, member of the Continental Congress and first U.S. Senate]

We have no government armed in power capable of contending in human passions unbridled by morality and religion…Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate to the government of any other.[10] [John Adams – One of the drafters and a signor of the Declaration of Independence, 2nd President of the United States]

In summary, the Constitution won’t save America if its citizens abandon republican principles of government which must be inseparably entwined with virtue, morality, and Christian principles. Such abandonment leaves the Constitution powerless to guide the nation as it enters the turbulent waters of the humanistic moral relativism of Enlightenment egalitarianism. And the ultimate consequence of this abandonment is a loss of liberty.

Larry G. Johnson

Sources:

[1] Russell Kirk, The Roots of American Order, (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Gateway, 1991), p. 415.
[2] Ibid., p. 416.
[3] David Barton, “Republic v. Democracy,” Wallbuilders.com. January 2001.
http://www.wallbuilders.com/LIBissuesArticles.asp?id=111 (accessed December 13, 2016).
[4] William J. Federer, America’s God and Country, (Coppell, Texas: FAME Publishing, Inc., 1996, 1994), p. 18.
[5] Ibid., p. 678.
[6] Larry G. Johnson, “The fragility of free speech in America,” culturewarrior.net, March 21, 2014. http://www.culturewarrior.net/2014/03/21/the-fragility-of-free-speech-in-america/
[7] Sherwood Eddy, The Kingdom of God and the American Dream, (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1941), p. 124
[8] Benjamin Rush, Essays, Literary, Moral & Philosophical, (Philadelphia: Thomas and Samuel F. Bradford, 1798), 93. Online source: http://fromthisconservativesviewpoint.blogspot.Com /2013/01/the-only-foundation-for-republic.html (accessed May 9, 2013).
[9] “Letter of Charles Carroll to James McHenry,” dated November 4, 1800. Bernard C. Steiner, The Life and Correspondence of James McHenry, (Cleveland: The Burrows Brothers, 1907, 475.
Online source: Quoted by Dave Miller, Ph.D., Apologetics Press. http://www.apologeticspress.org/apcontent.aspx?category=7&article=1508 (accessed May 9, 2013).
[10] Federer, America’s God and Country, pp. 10-11.

Much for which to be thankful!

This has been a difficult year in America and for most of the world. In spite of all the bitter rhetoric on both sides, the 2016 presidential campaign was not so much about a choice between two candidates but was substantially about the fundamental differences in the worldviews of the voters they represented. Some (including myself) believed that the presidential election would determine the trajectory of the nation for decades to come. Given the outcome of the election, it appears that those identifying with the Judeo-Christian worldview have been given another chance to make the necessary course corrections to save the nation from cultural disintegration.

For many, the election is not over as can be seen on college campuses throughout America, in Hollywood, academia, establishment media, and the remainder of the self-anointed intelligentsia of America who try to guide the political, artistic, and social development of society. Most of the jabbering classes are either largely clueless about or remarkably disdainful of the nation’s original values, principles, and the Judeo-Christian worldview upon which it was founded. Much of their secular-humanistic chatter is nothing more than a lot of noise wrapped in false egalitarian definitions of multiculturalism, diversity, and inclusion. Their post-election sophistry has evolved into a mass tantrum orchestrated and paid for in part by their puppet masters including George Soros and Planned Parenthood. Instead of hot cocoa and grief counseling to mollify their loss of power in the White House and other government offices around the nation, they should be sent to time-out which would be the normal consequence for most three-year-olds that exhibited similar behaviors. The same should happen to the tiny fraction of society who celebrated the election by property destruction, racist rants, and hateful rhetoric because their actions are totally foreign to the substantive positions of the vast majority of those who voted against a humanistic and socialistic future for America.

In spite of all of this present foolishness, Americans have a multitude of reasons to be thankful for our heritage and blessings that surpass even the deep divisions and failings of American culture. If one doubts this, pick a spot on the globe that would be a better place to live than America…New Zealand perhaps?

During the special seasons of Thanksgiving and Christmas, I suggest that both sides of the culture wars take a break, chill out, unplug from the 24-7 news cycle, and reflect on what once made America great and what can do so again. I will be the first to set the example. There will be no more articles published on culturewarrior.net until January 2017. Come January 1, 2017, the engines of what passes for civil discourse can be fired up again. And if they behave during our self-imposed hiatus, perhaps we can release the mindless protesters and malicious celebrants from time-out.

Larry G. Johnson